Subject: Former head of IDF international law department: Israel’s Legal Wars It

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  1. HBendor

    HBendor New Member

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    Subject: Former head of IDF international law department: Israel’s Legal Wars

    It is fascinating to note that while Israel has made such a concerted effort
    to ensure IHL compliance, Hamas appears to be making an equally serious and
    intentional effort to violate the very same rules, while confronting Israel
    with almost impossible legal and moral dilemmas.
    Israel’s Legal Wars
    In the regional conflict, the legal battlefield is becoming an ever-present
    and significant part. Daniel Reisner believes that the bad news for Israel
    is that one major legal loss in this “front” could have a “domino effect”,
    the eventual scope of which we cannot even guess

    Daniel Reisner 11/10/2014
    http://www.israeldefense.com/?CategoryID=483&ArticleID=3157

    When I first enlisted into the IDF as a young junior legal officer, almost
    thirty years ago, wars were generally waged on two “fronts”: the actual
    physical battlefield; and the political battlefield. And as a certain 19th
    century Prussian General once noted, the former is often a continuation of
    the latter, just by other means.

    Obviously, conflicts today still include these two arenas. However, they
    have been joined (not to say superseded) by several new battlefields, the
    foremost of which is the public opinion/media “front”. In modern armed
    conflicts, “winning” has become as much a matter of public perception as it
    is a question of actual achievements on the ground. Worse still, if an event
    is widely reported as having occurred, the fact that it actually never took
    place in the real world may be of little relevance (if you want a relatively
    recent example, search online for the still-available BBC and Guardian
    reporting of the alleged “Jenin massacre” in 2002, which even the UN later
    admitted never happened).

    Since its establishment over 60 years ago, and in spite of overwhelming
    odds, Israel has consistently defeated its enemies on both the physical and
    political battlefields. However, over the last two decades, with the advent
    of global media, Israel has (for a variety of reasons) consistently lost the
    public opinion battle with its neighbors.

    Losing this battle has some serious consequences, all of which can be
    clearly seen today. Thus, as a result of their (probably accurate) concern
    of losing popular support among voters, there are today almost no European
    political leaders willing to openly support Israel (although, in private,
    many do voice pro-Israeli positions). Similarly, calls for anti-Israeli
    boycotts, sanctions and divestments are being increasingly heard throughout
    Europe, all fueled by media representation of Israel as the “bad guy” in the
    Middle-Eastern conflict.

    Perhaps the least known, yet possibly most dangerous, side effect of Israel’s
    losing the international public opinion “front” is the increasing
    willingness of international and national judicial organs to consider
    launching legal proceedings related to alleged Israeli violations of the
    laws of armed conflict. The fact that some serious legal professionals are
    actually entertaining such an option, at the same time that ISIS (also known
    as ISIL) is busy murdering and beheading captives who refuse to convert to
    fundamentalist Islam; Boko Haram continues to kidnap young Nigerian girls
    for the same reason; and almost 200,000 civilians are claimed to have been
    killed in the ongoing Syrian civil war, in which almost unprecedented
    brutality has been exhibited by all warring factions, is a stark testament
    to the incredible power of the anti-Israeli media in shaping the beliefs and
    agenda of well-meaning people.

    Unfortunately, this phenomenon is not entirely new. In fact, for the last
    fifteen years, every military operation or war in which Israel has been
    engaged with its neighbors has generated a follow-on “wave” of attempted
    legal proceedings against Israel, Israelis, Israeli companies or even
    foreign companies and individuals somehow related to Israel. And while the
    good news is that not one significant case has been lost to date (in fact,
    there have been some quite remarkable Israeli legal victories in various
    fora, all of which were naturally not widely reported), the bad news is that
    one major legal loss could have a “domino effect”, the eventual scope of
    which we cannot even guess.

    What this means is that we have to be fully aware of the fact that all of
    Israel’s actions during military operations (including the recently ended
    Operation protective Edge) will undoubtedly undergo extensive post-conflict
    review by a wide range of interested parties, some truly neutral and
    objective, others clearly biased towards reaching the conclusion that Israel
    must have done something wrong, and full of conviction that it is their job
    to find out what that was.

    I am often asked why Israel, which is consistently faced with enemies who
    show little or no respect for legal or moral values, continues to place such
    an emphasis on complying with the laws of armed conflict (more commonly
    referred to today as International Humanitarian Law – IHL). I explain that
    there are actually three reasons for this apparently irrational Israeli
    behavior:

    First – from a purely legal perspective, international law does not allow
    one party to a conflict to cease to comply with the relevant rules, solely
    due to the fact that the other party is violating them. In other words, the
    fact that Hamas consistently commits blatant violations of all international
    legal norms, amounting to severe war crimes, does not entitle Israel to
    disregard these same rules.

    Second (and in my opinion more important), Israel has made a legal and moral
    decision to adhere to the relevant laws and norms of international law, in
    spite of the serious challenges such behavior generates in the Middle-East.
    Fighting terrorism “with one arm tied behind our back” (a term coined by the
    Israeli Supreme Court) is not, as some critics would allege, a sign of
    weakness. On the contrary – it is a testament to the commitment of the
    people of the State of Israel to maintain our own values, even when all
    around us people appear to be losing theirs.

    Finally – the military and legal authorities, all too keenly aware of the
    fact that, immediately once the fighting dies down, voices will clamor for
    international investigation of alleged wrongdoings, recognize the necessity
    of ensuring (and being able to retroactively prove) that IDF operations
    fully complied with all relevant norms.

    For all of these reasons, during the mid-90’s I initiated a process of
    integrating military lawyers into the IDF operational decision-making
    processes. Today, IDF lawyers specialized in laws of armed conflict are
    deeply involved in all stages of military operations. At the initial
    planning phase, their involvement could include commander training,
    participation in the drafting of mission orders and taking part in the
    compilation of approved target lists. During actual combat operations, such
    lawyers would participate in IDF HQ targeting cells while, in the field, IHL
    qualified lawyers are embedded at the Division level, providing commanders
    with on the ground real-time support. Post conflict, the focus shifts to
    investigation of all incidents concerning which allegations of misconduct
    have been raised.

    It is fascinating to note that while Israel has made such a concerted effort
    to ensure IHL compliance, Hamas appears to be making an equally serious and
    intentional effort to violate the very same rules, while confronting Israel
    with almost impossible legal and moral dilemmas.

    Among the more difficult challenges faced by Israel and its lawyers during
    the recent operation “Protective Edge” I would mention the following (please
    note that this is not an exhaustive list):

    - How to respond to rocket, mortar, live-fire and tunnel attacks all
    originating from within, next to or under occupied civilian homes and
    premises?

    - How to react to the continuous Hamas use of protected facilities, such as
    mosques, schools and hospitals, to mask and hide military activities and
    stockpiles?

    - Should Israel provide advance notice of impending attacks, so as to enable
    the civilian population to leave the area?

    In this regard, it is important to note that providing such notice obviously
    takes away the crucial element of surprise. Additionally – Hamas publicly
    threatened its own population not to vacate areas of impending attacks, in
    order to force Israel to choose between conducting military operations in a
    civilian-rich environment (thus probably increasing civilian casualties) and
    foregoing the attacks entirely.

    Now that the actual fighting has ended, the next-stage dilemmas are no less
    challenging. First – how best to investigate specific incidents concerning
    which allegations of wrongdoing have been raised? The Turkel Commission,
    established in 2011 by the Israeli government following the Mavi Marmara
    incident, submitted a long list of recommendations in this regard, all aimed
    at ensuring that Israeli investigations conform to equivalent practices in
    other western states. Second, whether or not to cooperate with the
    “Commission of Inquiry on Gaza” recently established by the UN’s Human
    Rights Council? Israeli confidence in the objectivity and neutrality of this
    commission was justifiably shaken when it became apparent that the
    commission’s mandate was clearly biased (e.g. repeated references to Israeli
    attacks in Gaza, but no mention of Hamas and its unlawful attacks against
    Israeli civilian population centers); that the international expert chosen
    to head the committee was on public record stating that Israeli leaders
    should be prosecuted for war crimes; and the fact that none of the chosen
    commission members has any military or security background.

    No matter how Israel decides to answer these, and other, challenges, one can
    rest assured that any Israeli decision will be challenged, first in the
    public opinion arena, and later in the legal battlefield which is becoming
    an ever-present part of the regional conflict.
    =============
    Until 2004 Col. (res.) Adv. Daniel Reisner served as the head of the IDF’s
    international law department. Today, he serves as the international law and
    defense partner at the law firm of Herzog, Fox and Neeman in Tel-Aviv. One
    of his specialist areas of focus is representing international and Israeli
    clients targeted by anti-Israeli groups
     

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